The US: Not Merely Europe's Reluctant Partner, But a Foe Steeped in Far-Right Thought
On the exact date Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government released an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This relatively brief paper is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically modest claim that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of catastrophe and ruin."
Even though the strategy mostly formalizes the ongoing actions and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a serious warning for the world, and for Europe in particular.
A Blueprint of Intervention and Cultural Anxiety
The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its language could have been taken straight from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-assurance." More ominously, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the real and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section on Europe is steeped in decades of European far-right ideology and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, censorship of free expression and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-belief." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economies and militaries powerful enough to remain reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."
Foundational Theories of the Right-Wing
These points carry strong overtones of two concepts seen as core for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace restive "indigenous" populations and bring in a more submissive and reliant electorate.
It is the nativist fantasy contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "America encourages its political allies in Europe to advance this revival of spirit, and the growing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."
The Goal: "Make Europe Great Again"
Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating resistance to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.
An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine
In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
This is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the situation is serious. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in plain and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to act appropriately.